Moldova and the Transnistrian conflict

Der Transnistrien-Konflikt entstand mit dem Zerfall der UdSSR Ende der 1980er Jahren. Beide Konfliktparteien konnten sich bislang auf keinen der von den internationalen Vermittlern Russland, Ukraine und OSZE unterbreiteten Vorschläge einigen. Die Rolle der EU war in den ersten zehn Jahren des Konflikts vernachlässigbar; dies hat sich aber jüngst im Zuge einer zunehmenden Europäisierung und EU-Orientierung des politischen Denkens in Moldawien geändert. Die Enttäuschung über die bisherigen Verhandlungen hat in Moldawien unabhängig von einer Lösung des Transnistrien-Konflikts Stimmen laut werden lassen, die sich für eine Europäisierung Moldawiens aussprechen. Demgegenüber ist das Engagement der EU in Transnistrien negativ aufgenommen worden. Auch Meinungsunterschiede zwischen den internationalen Vermittlern sind lauter geworden. So missbilligt Russland die 'Einmischung' des Westens und das wachsende Engagement der EU. (ICEÜbers)'The Transnistrian conflict emerged with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. The two sides have been unable to agree on any of the proposals tabled by the international mediators, Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE. The EU played a negligible role during the first decade of the Transnistrian conflict, but has recently become more engaged. This was preceded by a growing emphasis on the EU and Europeanization in Moldovan political discourse. Disillusionment with the negotiating format has grown in Moldova, increasing support for Europeanization of Moldova independently of the settlement of the conflict. The EU engagement has led to a growing resentment towards the EU in Transnistrian political discourse. Differences among the major external actors have become more pronounced, with Russia disapproving of the 'interference' of the West and the growing engagement of the EU.' (author's abstract

Navigating the Stars: Norway, the European Economic Area and the European Union. CEPS Paperback. February 2002

This study expertly assesses the evolving relationship between Norway and the European Union, the centrepiece of which is the European Economic Area (EEA). Faced with an increasingly outdated network of relationships with the EU, Norway finds itself marginalised from policy-making and subject instead to policy-taking. This report evaluates Norway’s position in relation to the ‘future of Europe’ debate as well as a range of hypothetical options that Norway may contemplate, focusing on several key policy areas including the single market, the macroeconomic agenda, justice and home affairs, and foreign security and defence policies

Policy Coherence for Development in the EU Council: Strategies for the Way Forward. CEPS Paperbacks. July 2006

In recognition of the fact that EU policies in non-development areas, such as trade, energy and migration, can also profoundly affect the poor in developing countries, the EU has affirmed ‘Policy Coherence for Development’ as an important principle for achieving more effective development cooperation. This new CEPS study analyses whether policy-making processes in the EU Council provide sufficient scope for development inputs to be made in 12 key policy areas: trade, environment, climate change, security, agriculture, fisheries, social dimension of globalisation, employment and decent work, migration, research and innovation, information society, transport and energy. The study also includes coverage of the policy-making processes in the European Commission as it initiates and defends most of the policies being discussed in the EU Council. Its findings point to the highly segregated character of EU policy-making and provide interesting insights into the internal challenges the EU will need to address in order to fulfil its goal of achieving greater coherency in its (external) policy-making. To strengthen the potential for PCD the study suggests six proposals for structural reform as well as a set of specific recommendations

Just Good Friends? The EU-Russian "Strategic Partnership" and the Northern Dimension. CEPS Working Document No. 166, March 2001

Contrary to official claims, Russia and the European Union are not strategic partners. The economic and political asymmetries between them and the still divergent normative foundations on which their policies are based constitute considerable obstacles to strategically significant co-operation between the EU and Russia. These obstacles are likely to persist in the foreseeable future, and prevent the emergence of a real strategic partnership. The relationship between the EU and Russia is nevertheless bound to become increasingly important. The forthcoming rounds of EU enlargement will bring them closer together geographically and economically, but will also increase the number of potential conflicts between them. The development of a Common European Security and Defence Policy will increase the significance of the EU as a strategic interlocutor for Russia. This reinforced interdependence requires new policies on both sides. This paper suggests that the current “low-politics” agenda should be given more substance and broadened to include security issues. But due to the fundamental obstacles mentioned above, more modest and more focused strategies for strengthening the relationship are required. A regional approach, focusing on areas of common interest, is suggested. The Northern Dimension initiative is the most prominent example of the regional approach, but it has so far suffered from the deficiencies of current policies. However, the Northern Dimension is ideally suited to strengthen EU-Russia relations through practical co-operation. Possible policy initiatives under the Northern Dimension umbrella are suggested, including possible content for the proposed energy partnership, renewed efforts at environmental cooperation, a substantial Kaliningrad initiative, numerous confidence- and security-building measures, and a political dialogue on Belarus

Models for the European Neighbourhood Policy: The European Economic Area and the Northern Dimension. CEPS Working Documents No. 218, 1 February 2005

It has been suggested in recent years that EU policies towards Northern Europe could serve as a potential model for the EU’s relations with its other neighbours. This paper focuses on two particular EU policies towards non-EU members in Northern Europe: the Northern Dimension (ND) initiative and the European Economic Area (EEA), which are analysed in light of two broader themes: first, how the EU organises its policy towards its neighbours more generally and, secondly, the enlargement process and how the EU has attempted to develop alternatives to EU membership. The Northern Dimension could be a useful model for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), in particular vis-à-vis the Eastern neighbours, although it must be recognised that the regional approach has played a limited role in confronting strategic challenges and resolving politically contentious issues in EU neighbourhood policies. The initial proposals from the EU for its European Neighbourhood Policy fall far short of the sort of relations currently existing between the EU and the three EFTA (European Free Trade Association) states in the EEA. The agreements with the erstwhile EU accession candidates of Central and Eastern Europe and the countries of south-east Europe could appear to provide more suitable models for the ENP than the EEA. However, the prospect of eventual EU membership is a fundamental premise underlying these agreements, which makes certain provisions and institutional arrangements acceptable to the associated states that might otherwise be found objectionable. This conundrum is likely to dominate the debate on EU neighbourhood policies for years to come

Is Ukraine Turning Away from Europe? CEPS Policy Briefs No. 57, 1 October 2004

Regardless of the merits of Ukrainian criticisms of the European Neighbourhood Policy, its reception in Ukraine indicates that the EU has already missed one opportunity to foster the reforms in Ukraine that the EU ultimately seeks. Yet the presidential election in Ukraine on 31 October represents another opportunity for change, as the country will decide between a pro-reform candidate and a pro-government, authoritarian one. As Ukraine prepares to vote, the EU needs to ensure that it sends the appropriate signals concerning the conduct of the elections. If the elections are not free and fair and the government uses the administration machinery inappropriately to guarantee the victory of pro-government candidate, this should have clear and immediate consequences for relations between the new Ukrainian president and the EU. If on the other hand the elections are free and are followed by steps towards pro-European reform, the EU should reciprocate, above all by making sure that the Action Plan between the EU and Ukraine moves the bilateral relationship significantly and noticeably beyond the current state of affairs

The Europeanisation of the Transnistrian Conflict. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 73, 1 May 2005

[From the Introduction]. To describe the Transnistrian conflict as ‘frozen’ is becoming less and less appropriate. Although the conflict remains unresolved, there have been a number of significant and at times dramatic developments in recent years, both in the diplomatic efforts to negotiate a settlement, and in the underlying geopolitical alignments and political and economic structures sustaining the conflict. It is argued here that these changes are primarily because of the European Union. To begin with, the role of the EU was mainly reactive and of limited importance. It was thus more a case of Europeanisation rather than ‘EU-isation’, owing more to the EU’s growing ‘presence’ in the wider region rather than the EU as an actor engaging more in the Transnistrian conflict as such. But over the last two years, the EU has increasingly become directly involved

Integration without Membership: Switzerland's Bilateral Agreements with the EU. CEPS Paperbacks. March 2006

Surrounded by European Union member states on all sides, Switzerland is one of the great anomalies of European integration. Although it is one of very few countries in Western Europe that has chosen to remain outside the EU, Switzerland is closely integrated with the EU. Two sets of recently negotiated bilateral sectoral agreements with the Union provide further integration between Switzerland and the EU. These agreements are being implemented amidst a crisis in the EU following the French and Dutch rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in 2005. ‘Enlargement fatigue’ is generally considered a key element of the EU’s current predicament, and Switzerland is touted by some as a possible model for a close relationship with the EU short of full membership. But what exactly is the ‘Swiss model’? This study analyses the functioning of the bilateral agreements between Switzerland and the EU, focusing on the agreements that entered into force in 2002. Particular attention is paid to the institutional arrangements and their ability to adapt to new legal and political developments in the EU, the impact of the agreements on the functioning of Swiss democracy and how the Swiss political system affects the implementation of the bilateral sectoral agreements. A comparison is also made with the experiences of the European Economic Area, the only arrangement for integration without membership that is more extensive than the Swiss model. The study concludes with an assessment of the future prospects of EU-Swiss relations

European Institutional Models as Instruments of Conflict Resolution in the Divided States of the European Periphery. CEPS Working Document No. 195, July 2003

[From the Introduction]. This working document is part of a research project for the Office for Scientific, Technical and Cultural Affairs, the department of the Belgian Federal Government responsible for scientific research. The project is carried out by the Centre for Political Science (POLI) of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel... and the Centre for European Policy Studies... It makes a comparative assessment of the potential for supra-national and international settlement in four secessionist conflicts at the periphery of the EU. It focuses on the potential role that institutional models from the EU and its members can play in the design of solutions to such conflicts – particularly the federation institutions such as the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) or the Council of Europe. In all of these cases, conflict settlement may have to be facilitated by the intervention of third party actors. The four cases studied in the POLI-CEPS project are confronted by unresolved secessionist crises: Cyprus...; Montenegro and Serbia...; Moldova...; Abkhazia..

Ukraine and the EU after the Orange Revolution. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 60, 1 December 2004

[From the Introduction]. The outcome of the disputed presidential elections in Ukraine in November 2004 is still highly uncertain. It is however clear that it will have profound consequences for the EU’s relationship with Ukraine. The authors suggest the development of a three-pronged EU approach